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The Qurʾānic term Ṣadaqa can refer either to alms or the act of almsgiving: the voluntary expenditure of one’s valued possessions. Understood ethically, ṣadaqa plays an important role in the cultivation of the virtues of abstinence, gratitude, generosity, and overcoming avarice and greed. It is a manifestation of the belief, at the level of īmān (faith), that what is given away for the sake of Allah earns an abiding, and greater, reward in the hereafter (Q 73:20; al-Haytamī, al-Ināfa fī-l-ṣadaqa wal-ḍiyāfa p. 27-61). The term ṣadaqa in certain contexts may also refer to a broader spectrum of noble actions and behaviors (see Reward and Punishment).

Content

• Meaning and Usage
• Alms—Compulsory and Supererogatory
• Expiation
• Act of Sympathy
• Conditions for Divine Acceptance of Alms
• Secret and Public Almsgiving
• Virtues and Benefits of Almsgiving
• Perpetual Works of Ṣadaqa and Waqf Endowments
• Ṣadaqa in the Generic Sense
• Bibliography

Meaning and Usage

Idiomatically, the noun ṣadaqa (pl. ṣadaqāt) means “that which is given for the sake of Allah” (Ibn Sīda, Muḥkam, sub ṣ-d-q). It stems from the root ṣ-d-q, which denotes being true in strength and virtue, evenness and straightness (ṣalb, mustawī), and also means “complete” or “perfect” (kāmil) (al-Ṣāghānī, al-ʿUbāb; Fayrūzābādī, Qāmūs). According to Ibn Barrī al-Miṣrī (499-582/1106-1186), Ibn Durustawayh (258-347/872-958) glossed it as “combining those qualities that are commendable,” stating that it could describe a human object or a non-human one such as a spear (al-Tanbīh wal-īḍāḥ). The phrase ṣadaqa al-ṣubḥ (“the morning is true”) refers to the morning shining true and bright. Because the root implies correctness, perfection, and clarity, the word ṣidq denotes truthfulness, primarily in speech, regardless of tense and whether it is presented in an informative, interrogative, or implicative mode. It is thus the antonym of falsehood and untruth (kidhb). It also denotes harmony of the inner self (bāṭin) with outer actions (ẓāhir) as well as a concordance of attestations with deeds, as in Among the believers are men who are true (rijālun ṣadaqū) to the covenant they made with Allah (Q 33:23), and the usage ṣadaqūhum al-qitāl (“they battled against them earnestly”) that is, not from false bravado. Ṣidq also implies sincerity and integrity, as in the usage ṣadaqahu al-naṣīḥa wal-ikhāʾ (“he truly/sincerely rendered to him good advice and brotherly affection”) (Zabīdī, Tāj and Rāghib, Mufradāt). When its second radical is vocalized with the short vowel u (ṣaduqa), it means “dowry”, as in its Qurʾānic usage And give women their dowries (ṣaduqātihinna) cheerfully (Q 4:4). This derivation implies the gravity of this obligation and its inseparability from the marriage contract (Nawawī, Tahdhīb).

As mentioned above, ṣadaqa is often used to refer to alms, meaning the act of spending wealth or giving something material for the sake of gaining reward (thawāb, mathūba). In juridical terms this spending may be classified as obligatory (wājib), as in zakāt, or supererogatory (nafl), as is explained below. Used in this sense, ṣadaqa does not apply to deeds performed or wealth spent for the purpose of honoring someone (e.g., entertaining a guest or offering a gift) (al-Tahānawī, Kashshāf 3:64 and al-Nawawī, al-Majmūʾ 1:1391).

The nominal form of the word ṣadaqa, along with its plural ṣadaqāt and active participle mutaṣaddiq/muṣṣaddiq, is used fifteen times in the Qurʾān. The verbal form (taṣaddaqa, iṣṣaddaqa) is used five times. While frequently denoting alms in Qurʾānic diction, the word has also been used to indicate other meanings such as acts of sympathy and expiation (kaffāra). Contextual examples of its various Qurʾānic usages follow below.

Alms—Compulsory and Supererogatory

The [prescribed] alms (ṣadaqāt) are only for the poor, the needy, those employed to collect them, those whose hearts are to be won over, in the cause of slaves and those encumbered with debt, in the way of Allah, and to wayfarers (Q 9:60); Take from their wealth [obligatory] alms (ṣadaqatan) through which you cleanse and purify them, and pray for them (Q 9:103).

Ṣadaqa in both of these verses refers to zakāt, the obligatory alms. Al-Rāghib al-Aṣfahānī (d. ca.502/1108) explains that one giving zakāt should intend to attain the quality of ṣidq through fulfilling this obligation, as opposed to having ostentatious motives or expressing favors upon those to whom one has given (Mufradāt). Al-Qurṭubī (600-671/1204-1273) states that whenever the word ṣadaqa is used non-specifically (matā uṭliqat) in the Qurʾān it refers to compulsory alms (Tafsīr, sub Q 9:60). Al-Māwardī (364-450/974-1058) suggests an even broader usage, declaring that “zakāt is ṣadaqa, and ṣadaqa is zakāt. The terms differ, but the meaning is the same” (al-Aḥkām al-sulṭāniyya, al-bāb al-ḥādī ʿashar fī wilāyat al-ṣadaqāt). The term ṣadaqa has both obligatory and supererogatory meanings in the Qurʾān, as established in Makkan and Madinan suras. Hadith texts and post-Prophetic narrations of the Companions also demonstrate consistency in this regard (Bukhārī, Zakāt). Later usage by jurists limited zakāt to compulsory alms and ṣadaqa to supererogatory alms, and this distinction was also adopted by the great hadith masters, as is evident from the chapter titles of their compilations. Imam Mālik (93-179/712-795), author of one of the first texts combining hadiths and juridical rulings, adopted this distinction in the chapter headings of his Muwaṭṭaʾ, with one exception (bāb ṣadaqat al-baqar). Eventually this distinction became predominant, especially in legal texts, so that the word ṣadaqa became almost exclusively reserved for non-obligatory alms (al-Shirbīnī, Mughnī al-muḥtāj 3:120; al-Baʿlī, al-Muṭliʿ ʿalā abwāb al-Muqniʿ p. 291).

And among them are those who criticize you regarding the [distribution of] ṣadaqāt (Q 9:58).

This verse is part of a series of statements describing traits of hypocrites (see Hypocrisy and Hypocrites) in the time of the Prophet, peace be upon him. The latter portion of the same verse shows that the true source of their criticism was none other than their own greed for personal gain: ...if they are given from it they are satisfied, and if they are not given from it they become disgruntled. Qatāda b. Diʿāma (d. 117/735), the famous tābiʿī (Successor) exegete, states that this verse alludes to a Bedouin who, shortly after migrating to Madina from the desert, criticized the Prophet’s distribution of alms, claiming he had not done it in the fair manner ordained by Allah. The Prophet returned: “Who, then, will be fair to you after me?” He then warned all Muslims against him and his like, and described the grave outcome facing such people. Ibn Kathīr (700-774/1300-1373) reinforces Qatāda’s opinion, citing a similar hadith from the compilations of Bukhārī and Muslim (Tafsīr).

[Among the hypocrites are] those who taunt the believers who give alms willingly and those who have nothing [to give] but their hard earnings; thus they mock at such people. Allah mocks at them, and for them there is a painful punishment (Q 9:79).

The Prophet, upon him peace and blessings, once encouraged his followers to give alms. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿAwf (44bh-32/580-652) and ʿĀṣim b. ʿAdī (d. 45/665) responded to his call by presenting large amounts of wealth, while poorer Companions such as Abū ʿAqīl al-Anṣārī (d. 12/632) brought one ṣāʿ of dates (equivalent to 3.3 kg according to the Ḥanafī school, and 2.17 kg according to the other three schools) to distribute. The hypocrites taunted both groups, saying that the wealthy ones were merely showing off their generosity, while Allah was not in need of the meagre ṣāʿ of Abū ʿAqīl (Bayḍāwī, Tafsīr).

When you confer with the Prophet in private, offer some alms before [you do so] (Q 58:12).

The believers were initially instructed to give alms before going to speak privately to the Prophet (see Confidences). Ibn Kathīr, following the interpretation of exegetes before him, understood that the purpose of this injunction was to purify them of any mistakes or sins and make them worthy of this great honor. Those without the means to make such an offering were exempt from it. Soon afterward, another verse was revealed, abrogating this one (see Abrogation): Do you fear that you [will always have to] precede your conference by giving alms? If you have not done so–and Allah has forgiven you–then establish prayer (ṣalāt), pay zakāt, and obey Allah and His Messenger (Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, sub Q 58:13).

So that I may give alms and be among the righteous (Q 63:10).

The believers were reminded not to let their wealth or children make them negligent of the remembrance of Allah, and to keep spending in His cause. The Successor Ḍaḥḥāk b. Muzāḥim (d. 102/720) states that the command in the preceding injunction to spend from what We have provided you refers to zakāt, while other exegetes opine that it refers to voluntary alms. In either case, the verse warns that failure to spend will result in great regret at the time of death, when, realizing one’s dearth of good deeds to present in the hereafter, one will beg for a brief respite in order to spend (fa-aṣṣaddaqa) as enjoined—and thereby be included amongst the righteous (Māwardī, Nukat).

Verily the alms-giving men and the alms-giving women who have advanced a goodly loan to Allah, for them it will be multiplied, and for them is a noble reward (Q 57:18).

While mentioning the reward of those men and women who give in ṣadaqa, the verse also alludes to a basic condition for Divine acceptance of one’s offering: the wealth must be given exclusively for the sake of Allah without expecting anything from anyone else. This is what is meant by advancing a goodly loan to Allah, according to Ibn Kathīr (Tafsīr). It is precisely this aspect of ṣadaqa that distinguishes it from charity given with the motive of attaining some form of worldly gain, whether in the form of praise and recognition or of pecuniary benefit. Thus the first term (al-muṣṣaddiqīn wal-muṣṣaddiqāt) refers to those who frequently give alms, while the “loan” refers to the earnestness with which the ṣadaqa is given. Further discussion of sincerity in ṣadaqa will follow below. In the variant reading (qirāʾa) (see Canonical Readings) of Ibn Kathīr (45-120/665-730)—that is, the great imam to whom one of the seven famous qirāʾāt is attributed, not the celebrated exegete mentioned above—and that of Abū Bakr (better known as Shuʿba) (d. 194/809) from ʿĀsim (d. 128/745), the word is read with a single letter ṣād (al-muṣaddiqīn wal-muṣaddiqāt), thus meaning the believing men and believing women. According to this reading the word refers to such believers in general and is not restricted to those who give in charity, and the mention of advancing a loan unto Allah refers to the actual act of ṣadaqa (Nasafī, Tafsīr; Abū Hayyān, Baḥr). The active participle (ism fāʿil) al-mutaṣaddiq in this reading of the verse has undergone morphological change, in that the tāʾ has been replaced with a ṣād and then the two ṣāds have been elided, hence al-muṣaddiq. In Sūrat al-Aḥzāb (Q 33:35), the ism fāʾil occurs in its original form (wal-mutaṣaddiqīn wal-mutaṣaddiqāt). The meaning of the word remains the same.

Expiation

And whoever of you is ill or has an ailment of the head must pay offer a ransom of fasting or alms (ṣadaqāt) or sacrifice (Q 2:196).

A pilgrim in the state of sanctity (iḥrām) is not permitted to shave his head until he completes the rites of Ḥajj or ʿUmra (see Ḥajj). However, given a valid reason such as sickness or lice, it becomes permissible to shave the head, while offering an obligatory expiation (kaffāra) of fasting for three days, or giving alms, or slaughtering an animal. The alms prescribed here involve giving six needy people the equivalent of one ṣāʿ of wheat each (see Weights and Measures) (al-Ṣābūnī, Tafsīr āyāt al-aḥkām).

Act of Sympathy

Give us the full measure, and be charitable with us (taṣaddaq ʿalaynā) (Q 12:88).

The brothers of Prophet Yūsuf—peace upon him—besought him to give them some rations in exchange for the insignificant and cheap goods they had presented him with, and to be generous (taṣaddaq). Saʿīd b. Jubayr (45-95/665-713), al-Ḥasan al-Baṣrī (21-110/642-728), and al-Suddī (d. 127/744) state that taṣaddaq here means giving them rations of average quality (mā bayn al-jiyād wal-radīʾa)—that is, better than what they were paying for. Sufyān b. ʿUyayna (107-198/725-813) states that it means giving them more than what they were paying for. Ibn Jurayj (80-150/699-767) says that it means to graciously return their brother to them, while others relate that it refers to forgiving them (Māwardī, Nukat). The interpretations given by all these exegetes are consistent with the theme of sympathy and mercy.

And if you pardon (wa-an taṣaddaqū) it is better for you (Q 2:280).

The believers were given a stern warning against giving usurious loans (see Usury). If they had, prior to accepting Islam, lent money and already collected interest on it, they were permitted to retain what they had hitherto collected; but thenceforth they were only entitled to claim the principal sum from debtors. If the borrower was unable to repay the loan in full within the specified time, creditors were encouraged to give them an interest-free extension until they were able to do so. Forgiving the debt completely (wa-an taṣaddaqū), however, was deemed to be the most virtuous act in such circumstances (Māwardī, Nukat), though al-Bayḍāwī (d. 685/1286) contends that this phrase may mean only granting respite. Ibn Kathīr quotes a hadith from the Musnad of Aḥmad with a sound chain of narrators (meeting the criterion of Muslim) that supports this opinion. In it, Burayda al-Aslamī (d. 63/683)—Allah be well-pleased with him—states that he heard the Prophet, peace be upon him, say: “Whoever grants a bankrupt person respite will get [the reward of] ṣadaqa for each day that he does so (lahu bi-kulli yawmin mithluhu ṣadaqa).” Burayda adds: “Then I heard him (i.e., the Prophet) say: ‘Whoever gives a bankrupt person respite will get [the reward of] ṣadaqa equal to double the number of days he grants respite for (lahu bi-kulli yawmin mithlāhu ṣadaqa).’” When asked for clarification, he said, peace upon him: “He gets the reward of ṣadaqa for each single day before the loan is due. After the loan is due, if he grants the borrower respite, he gets [the reward for] double the number of days” (Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr; Aḥmad, ḥadīth Burayda al-Aslamī, §23046).

Unless they pardon (illā an-yaṣṣaddaqū) (Q 4:92).

In cases where manslaughter is the result of genuine error on the part of a Muslim, classical jurisprudence holds that he must emancipate a Muslim slave in atonement, as well as paying blood money to the family of the deceased. The family may, at their discretion, choose to pardon the guilty person and forgo their right to that money. In such cases that person will also be legally absolved from payment. The act of pardoning and forgoing is referred to as ṣadaqa (illā an-yaṣṣaddaqū) owing to its charitable and sympathetic nature (al-Ṣābūnī, Tafsīr āyāt al-aḥkām).

Whoever forgoes his right (taṣaddaqa bih) then it will be atonement for him (Q 5:45).

The powerful Jewish tribe of Banū Naḍīr imposed unilateral conditions on their counterparts, the weaker Banū Qurayẓa, with respect to intertribal felonies resulting in physical harm or death. This verse affirmed the injunctions originally revealed in the Torah: We prescribed for them therein (i.e., in the Torah; cf. Exodus 21:22–25; Leviticus 24:19–21; Deuteronomy 19:16–21): a life for a life, an eye for an eye, a nose for a nose…if someone forgoes this (fa-man taṣaddaqa bih), it will be an expiation [of sins] for him (Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr). In this verse the term ṣadaqa refers to waiving one’s right to physical retribution, resulting in one’s own sins being expiated and atoned for. A similar reference is found in a hadith which al-Tirmidhī (209-279/825-892) narrates on the authority of Abū Al-Dardāʾ (d. 32/652)—Allah be well pleased with him—in which the Prophet, peace and blessings upon him, said: “Whoever has a wound inflicted on any part of his body, and then forgoes his right to retaliate (fa-yataṣaddaqu bih), Allah Almighty will raise him by one level and erase a sin” (Tirmidhī, Diyāt, mā jāʾa fī-l-ʿafw; Ibn Mājah, Diyāt, al-ʿafw fī-l-qiṣāṣ).

Conditions for Divine Acceptance of Alms

Have they not come to know that Allah accepts repentance from His slaves, and takes alms, and that Allah is the Oft-Relenting, Merciful?

Q 9:104

Allah, glorified is He, gives His servants glad tidings of the acceptance of their ṣadaqāt, which results in incalculable rewards in this world and the next (see Q 57:18 above). Various Qurʾān and hadith texts delineate the conditions for this acceptance.

A graceful word and forgiveness is better than almsgiving followed by injury. And Allah is Absolute, Clement. O you who believe, do not invalidate your almsgiving by reminding [those to whom you give of your favors] or by [causing them] hurt, like one who spends his wealth as an exhibit for [other] people and does not believe in Allah and the Last Day. He is like a smooth stone upon which there is some dust; then a rain showers upon it [thus washing it all away], leaving it completely bare…

Q 2:263-264

Ibn al-Qayyim (691-751/1292-1350) comments that the smooth, slippery stone in this parable represents a heart inclined towards hurting, reminding people of one’s past favors, and ostentatiousness. The dust lying atop the rock represents an insincere act of charity. The rigid composition of the rock prevents it from yielding any vegetation from within, and its slippery surface does not allow anything to cling to it. Thus, even a heavy downpour of rain (representing Divine command and decree) is of no benefit to the dust, or the stone beneath. Instead, the water merely washes away the dust, exposing the barren stone beneath it. Likewise the barrenness of an ostentatious person’s heart renders it unable to yield any truly beneficial deeds, and the deeds it does produce have no stability. They are washed away in this world and are of no use in the hereafter(al-Amthāl fī-l-Qurʾān p. 257-258).

The wealth spent in alms must also have been obtained from legitimate sources. Al-Bukhārī and Muslim narrate on the authority of Abū Hurayra—Allah be well pleased with him—that the Prophet of Allah, peace and blessings of Allah upon him, said: “Anyone who offers ṣadaqa from pure (ḥalāl) wealth (min ṭayyib)—and Allah only accepts what is pure—then the Most Merciful (al-Raḥmān) takes it in His right hand (yamīn), even if it be as limited as a date; then it continues to grow in the palm (kaff) of the Most Merciful (al-Raḥmān) until it becomes more voluminous than a mountain. The ṣadaqa is grown and raised just like one of you nurtures his foal or calf” (this is the version narrated in Muslim, Zakāt, qabūl al-ṣadaqa min al-kasb al-ṭayyib; cf. Bukhārī, Zakāt, al-ṣadaqa min kasb ṭayyib).

Secret and Public Almsgiving

If you disclose your almsgiving, it is well; but if you conceal them and give them to the needy it is better for you, and it will atone for a portion of your sins.

Q 2:271

This verse establishes the preference of giving alms secretly, a principle mentioned in many hadiths. In a famous hadith enumerating seven types of people who will be given a special place under the shade of the Throne of Allah Almighty, there is mention of a person who gives his charity in such secrecy that his left hand knows nothing of what his right spends (Bukhārī, Adhān, man jalasa fī-l-masjid yantaẓir al-ṣalā wa faḍl al-masājid).

Al-Tirmidhī narrates on the authority of Abū Dharr al-Ghifārī (d. 32/652)—Allah be well pleased with him—that the Prophet of Allah—peace and blessings upon him—stated: “Allah loves three kinds of people, and dislikes three kinds. Among those whom Allah loves is one who was with a group of people approached by a man asking them to give him something for the sake of Allah, without having any bond of kinship with them. They did not give him anything; then one of them stayed back behind the group and secretly gave him some ṣadaqa in such a manner that only Allah and the one given to know of this act…” (Ṣifat al-janna, mā jāʾ fī kalām al-ḥūr al-ʿīn; hadith classed ḥasan ṣaḥīḥ).

However, giving alms openly is also mentioned in numerous hadiths. When impoverished people from the clan of Muḍar came to the Prophet—peace and blessings of Allah upon him—he encouraged his Companions to donate and they responded by generously contributing various donations. The Prophet, peace and blessings of Allah upon him, was pleased by this gesture and declared that “whoever sets a good example, gets his own reward as well as all the reward of those who follow his example, without that diminishing their rewards in the least” (Muslim, Zakāt, al-hathth ʿalā al-ṣadaqa).

The hadiths in which concealing ṣadaqa is praised apply mainly to two contexts. Firstly, concealment is encouraged in situations where there is a threat of one’s intention becoming attenuated by improper motives, such as for worldly fame or recognition, something that according to numerous hadiths bears severe consequences in the Afterliāāfe (see Hereafter). A well-known hadith in Muslim includes such persons among the first three types of people who will be thrown into Hellfire:

A person who was granted abundant wealth of various kinds in the worldly life will be summoned on the Day of Judgment and reminded of the Divine favors bestowed upon him, which he will acknowledge. Almighty Allah will then ask him: “What did you do with that wealth?” He will reply: “I left no way in which You like wealth to be spent without spending in it for Your sake.” Allah—exalted is His name—will refute this statement, saying: “You lie; you merely acted so that it would be said: He is very generous. And thus it has been said.” The Divine judgment will be issued, and he will be dragged on his face and tossed into the Fire.

Muslim, Jihād, man qātala lil-riyāʾ wal-sumʿa

Secondly, such hadiths apply to non-obligatory alms. Al-ʿAynī (855-762/1451-1361) in his commentary on Ṣaḥīh al-Bukhārī narrates on the authority of Ibn ʿAbbās—Allah be well pleased with him—that giving supererogatory ṣadaqa discreetly is seventy times better than giving it openly, whereas giving obligatory ṣadaqa openly is twenty-five times better than giving it secretly (ʿUmdat al-Qārīʾ, Zakāt, ṣadaqat al-sirr). Thus al-Nawawī (631-676/1234-1278) concedes in his commentary on Muslim that it is meritorious to give supererogatory ṣadaqa secretly, while it is better to give obligatory alms openly, similar to the case of obligatory and supererogatory prayers (Sharḥ Muslim, Zakāt, faḍl ikhfāʾ al-ṣadaqa).

The hadiths in which open ṣadaqa is mentioned or encouraged thus apply to cases in which the donor feels sure that his intention will remain untainted, as well as to situations where giving openly serves to encourage others to give, such as fulfilling the obligation of zakāt.

Virtues and Benefits of Almsgiving

Qurʾān and hadith texts encourage the believers to partake in acts of ṣadaqa by mentioning their numerous rewards and virtues. These virtues are in the dozens, some of which are briefly outlined below.

Ṣadaqāt, whether obligatory or voluntary, are a means of increasing and purifying wealth: Allah eradicates usury and increases charities (Q 2:276); Take from their wealth obligatory alms (ṣadaqatan) through which you cleanse and purify them (Q 9:103). This theme is also established in Q 30:39: and whatever zakāt you give, seeking Allah’s pleasure with it, [it is multiplied by Allah, and] it is such people who multiply [their true wealth]. The Prophet—peace and blessings of Allah upon him—swore by Allah that ṣadaqa does not decrease one’s wealth (Muslim, Birr, istiḥbāb al-ʿafw). Allah Most High takes upon Himself the responsibility of increasing the reward as well as the wealth of one who practises ṣadaqa. This increase in wealth can be through any number of means. In Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim there is mention of a wayfarer travelling in a barren land who heard a voice from the sky commanding clouds to shower rain upon a specific person’s garden. The man followed the clouds and witnessed the water from the clouds flowing exclusively to a single garden, where a man was busy steering the water to his crops. The gardener’s name proved to be the one mentioned by the voice. After persistent questioning about the reason for this Divine provision, the gardener disclosed that he had made a habit of spending one third of the profit from his garden as ṣadaqa (Muslim, Zuhd, al-ṣadaqa fī-l-masākīn).

Hadith texts also teach that ṣadaqāt are effective in averting adversities and afflictions. According to a narration of Razīn (d. 535/1140) on the authority of ʿAlī, Allah be well-pleased with him, the Prophet, peace and blessings upon him, said: “Make haste to give ṣadaqa, for calamity cannot overtake it” (al-Jazarī, Jāmiʿ al-uṣūl, Ṣadaqa, al-hathth ʿalayhā).

Giving ṣadaqa when one is sick, or on behalf of the ill, brings a quick recovery, as mentioned in a narration provided by al-Bayhaqī on the authority of Abdullah b. Masʿūd, as well as in a mursal narration from al-Ḥasan al-Baṣrī: “Heal your sick with ṣadaqa” (Sunan, Janāʿiz, waḍʿ al-yad ʿalā al-marīḍ).

A narration in al-Bayhaqī’s Shuʿab al-īmān mentions that ṣadaqa also averts Divine wrath and a bad death (al-taḥrīḍ ʿalā ṣadaqat al-taṭawwuʿ).

Most major compilations of hadith have chapters devoted exclusively to this subject. Imam al-Ghazālī (450-505/1058-1111) dedicated a section of his celebrated Iḥyāʾ to the virtues and etiquettes of giving alms. Ibn Ḥajar al-Haytamī (909-974/1504-1567) in his Ināfa fī-l-ṣadaqa wal-ḍiyāfa mentions almost one hundred hadiths concerning the virtues of generosity and alms. The voluminous and widely-read Faḍāʾil al-ṣadaqāt by the modern hadith master Muḥammad Zakariyyā al-Kāndahalawī (1315-1402/1898-1982) covers many important aspects of zakāt, ṣadaqāt, and related themes of zuhd (see Abstinence), generosity, and devotion to the afterlife. This work draws upon a vast range of Qurʾānic verses and hadiths as well as anecdotes from the lives of the pious. The merits and benefits of alms mentioned in these texts are in the dozens; certain of which are cited below.

Perpetual Works of Ṣadaqa and Waqf Endowments

Perpetual or ongoing ṣadaqa (al-ṣadaqat al-jāriya) refers to virtuous acts that have lasting benefits. The doer continues to receive reward for such acts as long as its consequent benefits last. A hadith states: “When the son of Ādam dies his good deeds discontinue, with the exception of three: perpetual ṣadaqa, knowledge that is benefited from, or a pious child who prays for him” (Muslim, Waṣiyya, mā yalḥaq al-insān min al-thawāb). Thus, one who plants a fruitful plant will get the reward of giving ṣadaqa as long as humans or animals eat from its fruit, until the Day of Judgment (Muslim, Waṣiyya, mā yalḥaq al-insān min al-thawāb). The same applies to one who disseminates knowledge, gifts a copy of the Qurʾān, digs a well, or participates in any such deed of continual benefit (Muslim, Waṣiyya, mā yalḥaq al-insān min al-thawāb).

Hadith texts encouraging this type of charity provide the discursive basis for the social establishment of endowments (waqf, pl. awqāf) in which resources such as properties, wealth, or goods are allocated ‘in perpetuity’ to virtuous purposes. The principal resource or fund may be kept intact while the gains of the wealth are used for the designated cause. A famous hadith states that ʿUmar—Allah be pleased with him—procured a parcel of land at Khaybar, the finest property he had ever owned. He approached the Prophet—peace and blessings upon him—and sought his opinion as to how this land should be used. The Prophet—peace and blessings upon him—suggested he secure the garden itself, while donating the profits gained from it to worthy causes (in shiʾta ḥabasta aṣlahā wa taṣaddaqta bi-hā). ʿUmar, opting for this choice, stipulated that the garden itself could not be sold, gifted, or become personal property through inheritance (see Inheritance and Patrimony). The profits from the land were to be spent toward aiding the poor and needy relatives, emancipating slaves, the Path of Allah (sabīl Allāh) , and providing hospitality for travellers and visitors. The person devoted exclusively to overseeing and administering the affairs of this waqf was allowed to use it for his needs to a pre-established limit (bil-maʿrūf), and could spend on friends as well, provided that he did not amass wealth from it (Bukhārī, Shurūṭ, al-shurūṭ fī-l-waqf). This type of practice in the early Islamic era was followed by the formation of a broad range of waqf institutions and funds by Muslims. Endowments were created for the construction and maintenance of mosques and educational institutes as well as various types of charitable, humanitarian, environmental (see Caliph, section on ḥimā), and philanthropic causes. Ibn Khaldūn (732-808/1332-1406) attributed much of the vast and successful proliferation of the Islamic sciences, as well as the stability and productivity of educational institutes in cities such as Cairo, Baghdad, Basra, Kufa, Cordoba, and Kairouan in northeast Tunisia, to well-founded and structured waqf endowments (Tārīkh 1:548-549, 551).

Ṣadaqa in the Generic Sense

Numerous hadiths broaden the usage of the term such that all acts of virtue can be understood generically as ṣadaqa. The logic behind this gesture holds that the Divine wisdom and mercy of Allah—glorified is He—would not permit the financially disadvantaged to be deprived of the reward of spending wealth in worthy causes. Thus the expenditure of energy and time to engage in virtuous deeds that directly benefit the doer or others has also been given great value and merit, and is comparable to—and no less than—the contribution of financial resources. Carrying another’s burden, removing a harmful object from a path, assisting an unskilled person in completing a task, remembering Allah by praising and glorifying Him, commanding the good and forbidding evil , taking steps to the mosque, and even fulfilling one’s basic needs in a ḥalāl manner, keeping others safe from one’s vices, and greeting people cheerfully are all examples of acts of ṣadaqa, as we are informed in various sound hadiths (Nawawī, Riyāḍ al-ṣāliḥīn, fī bayān kathrat ṭuruq al-khayr).

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Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān

Помощник (4 018 слов) садака закят Институционализация ценностей qur'ānic Современное милостыню Благотворительные подарки для облегчения бедных. В общем, с учением большинства других верований и, в частности, библейских традиций, Коран неоднократно подчеркивает моральную ценность дарования. Хотя термин «милостыня» может предложить несколько простой и нефокусированный акт милосердия, направленный на бедных и нуждающихся, Коран формулирует различные термины, особенно Шадака и Закат, очень текстурированную и многозначную концепцию отдачи, которая опирается на идеалы сострадания, социальной справедливости, обмена и укрепления сообщества. Поскольку этот поступок направлен на то, чтобы быть как социальной коррекцией, так и духовной выгодой, он отражает этические и духовные ценности, которые связаны с богатством, собственностью, ресурсами и добровольными усилиями как в личном, так и в общинном контексте. Именно в этом более широком смысле мусульмане понимают милостыню и применяют ее в своей повседневной жизни. Перспектива Корана об обмене богатствами и отдельными ресурсами посредством актов дарования уходит своими корнями в конкретные основные идеалы: 1. отсутствие дихотомии между духовными и материальными усилиями в жизни человека, то есть действия, санкционированные как часть веры, также связаны с повседневные условия жизни в этом мире; 2. характер, цель и функции мусульманской общины как «лучших сообществ, созданных для доброй воли и борьбы со злом» (п. 3: 110); 3. доверие к богатству и собственности и, следовательно, подотчетность за то, как они расходуются. Эти этические перспективы в Коране, в частности, послужили основой для того, что стало пониматься как исламская форма дарования и ее моральное значение. Поскольку мусульманский философ Фазлур Рахман (1919-1988) ¶ наблюдал за рассмотрением ключевых этических понятий Корана, «Ислам цели (а не только периферийно или косвенно) стремится к созданию мирового порядка, в котором воплощаются императивы и принципы таким образом, что «земля будет реформирована» (некоторые ключевые этические концепции Корана, 182-3). В эссе, посвященном изучению использования qur'annic term ḥqqq, «настоящего» или «истинного», Клиффорд Герц замечает, что можно найти идентификацию права с реальным на всех уровнях исламской практики (Local knowledge, 189). Другие западные ученые исламской цивилизации, включая Маршалла Ходжсона, сделали то же самое. Поскольку истинный суверенитет, согласно Корану, принадлежит только Богу, Пророк, его преемники, члены общины и даже государство действовали как инструменты, с помощью которых эти идеалы должны были воплощаться на практике. Лица в этом обществе, которых Бог наделил способностью признать и отреагировать на него, рассматривались как попечители, через которых моральное и духовное видение Корана было выполнено в личной и общинной жизни. Таким образом, они были подотчетны за то, как они использовали свои ресурсы и свое богатство, и они заслужили религиозные заслуги, потратив их на социально выгодный путь. Признавая, что люди обладают различными способностями, ресурсами и собственностью, Коран подчеркивает идеал социальной солидарности и предписывает справедливость и щедрость (q 16:90). В частности, он держится как действительно добродетельный тех, кто тратит свои ресурсы для оказания помощи другим (q 57:18) и осуждает хранителей богатства (q 3: 180). Конкретные понятия об отмене части своего богатства для других или признания необходимости и ценности дарования изложены в Коране с помощью ряда терминов, которые часто используются взаимозаменяемо. Самыми значительными из них являются ṣadaqa и zakāt. Существует ряд других терминов, обозначающих «дарение» в Коране. Формы глагола нафака (расходуются) в основном связаны с ощущением расходования богатства, чтобы угодить Богу (например, q 2: 265). Хайр (благотворительность) - это еще один термин qur'ānic, который описывает благотворные и добровольные акты сдачи. Людям также предлагается предложить Богу «прекрасный кредит» (qarḍ ḥasan), польза от которого будет умножаться во много раз благодаря Божьей щедрости (д. 2: 245). Поскольку Бог считается высшим дарителем, такие предложения интерпретируются просто как действия возвращения к нему, что в конечном итоге является его. садака Хотя слово «ладака» и его различные формы стали толковаться в более поздних мусульманских религиозных и юридических текстах, чтобы обозначить ограниченное понятие добровольного, а не обязательного, дабада, ладака и закят используются в более широком смысле в Коране. В арабской лексикографической литературе корень ṣ-d-q поддерживает множество значений, связанных с идеями праведности и правды. В другом месте в Коране, связанные слова, такие как аль-ṣiddīq (правдивый, q 12:46), который используется для описания пророка Джозефа (qv) или ṣadīq (доверенный друг, q 24:61), отражают это понятие моральное превосходство. Современная критическая наука предположила, что слово ṣadaqa связано этимологически с еврейским sedāḳā (almsgiving), заставив некоторых экспертов сделать вывод, что это кредитное слово (см. ). Применение термина в его различных контекстах в Коране развивает некоторые из ключевых тем идеала дарования. q 9: 104-5 связывает принятие Бога покаяния (см. покаяние и покаяние) с ṣadaqa, тем самым предлагая его ценность для искупления грехов. Это еще раз подчеркивается объединением поста (q.v.) с ṣadaqa (q 2: 196), как способы выполнения обязательств по паломничеству (ḥajj, см. Паломничество) ¶ не завершено из-за болезни или по другим причинам. Даяние также приносит пользу дающим духовно в качестве части их стремления искать «лицо Бога» (q.v .; q 2: 272). Такой поиск преследуется из любви к Богу (стр. 76: 8) и может быть публичным или частным (q 2: 274). Согласно Корану, те, кто дает, потому что ищут лица Бога, будут действительно выполнены (см. 30:39). Интересное использование ṣadaqa происходит в том, что стало называться в экзегетической литературе (tafsīr), «стихе аудитории» (āyat al-najwā, q 58:12), которая предписывает подавать милостыню перед аудиторией пророк. Это говорит о том, что подача милостыни рассматривалась как способ искупить прошлые грехи и проявить уважение, а также жест признания ценностей, воплощенных Пророком, чьи собственные щедрые взгляды рассматривались как модель для остальной части последователей Ислама. Согласно Корану, слова доброты и сострадания лучше, чем Шадака в сочетании с оскорблением (q 2: 263). Пожертвование милостыни не должно быть подарком материальной ценности. Он также может состоять из добровольных усилий (q 9:79) или просто доброго слова (q 2: 263). Лучше предлагать милостыню незаметно тем, кто в ней нуждается, а не с целью общественного признания (q 2: 271). Коран критично относится к тем, кто дает для того, чтобы казаться щедрым или компрометировать ценность акта показным общественным поведением, которое служит только для того, чтобы сделать обычно благотворительный акт чисто корыстолюбивым (q 2: 264). Из q 58:12 ясно, что Коран предусматривает широкие рамки как для тех, кто может извлечь выгоду из более формализованной практики, которая развивается в раннем мусульманском сообществе, так и для финансовой поддержки нуждающегося сообщества. Милосердие помогло ранним мусульманам, которые мигрировали из Мекки вместе с Пророком (см. Эмигрантов и помощников). Он также использовался, чтобы побудить других присоединиться к мусульманской общине и поддержать мусульман в конфликте с Меккой. q 9:60 определяет типы получателей, которые должны извлечь из этого выгоду: те, которые страдают от бедности; нуждающихся и неспособных помочь себе; те, кто действует, иногда на добровольной основе, в качестве распорядителей и хранителей для обеспечения сбора и надлежащего расходования средств; те, чьи сердца должны благосклонно относиться к исламу; которые должны быть выкуплены; дебиторов; путешественники; и, наконец, те, кто действует ради Бога. Все эти категории были строго определены в более поздней легальной и экзегетической литературе. q 2: 273 предполагает, что более широкое использование ṣadaqa предназначалось не только для оказания помощи бедным, но и для других, которые в течение этого периода переходного периода явно не нуждались и которые тем не менее либо нуждались в помощи для повышения их средств к существованию, либо должны были быть направлены на новые профессии и экономические возможности. Хотя один аспект милостыни в Коране явно проецировался на благотворительные акты для бедных и нуждающихся, эта практика также охватывала более широкую задачу применения пожертвований для улучшения общего состояния и экономического благополучия других получателей и групп в растущем сообщества (umma). закят Слово zakāt этимологически связано с zakā (чтобы быть чистым). Коран прямо присоединяется к словам zakāt к другим первичным актам веры: «Благочестие состоит не только в том, чтобы просто поворачивать ваше лицо к востоку или к западу. Скорее, благочестивый человек - это тот, кто верит в Бога, в последний день, ангелов, книгу и пророков, и кто из своей любви дает свое имущество своим родственникам, сиротам, нуждающимся, путешественникам, просителям и рабам; и кто выполняет необходимые молитвы и платит закят »(q 2:177). Глагол zakā предлагает идею роста ¶ подчеркнуть, что отдача своих ресурсов одновременно является актом, который влечет за собой очищение себя и своего имущества и посредством совместного использования, повышение способности других. В частности, такой вид дачи рассматривается в Коране как аналогичный плодородному саду, урожай которого увеличивается обильным дождем (q 2: 265). Именно эта множественная коннотация речи закята отражается в последующих интерпретациях и в институционализации принципа в мусульманской мысли и практике. Центральность закят подчеркивается много раз, когда она сочетается с заповедью ритуального поклонения. Правильная религия суммируется как служение Богу, искреннее послушание (q.v.), добродетель (q.v.), поклонение (q.v.) и выплата закят (q 98: 5). Авраам (q.v.) и другие пророки, включая Иисуса (q.v.), предписывали своим последователям оплатить закят (см. 19:31, 21:73). Поскольку одной из целей ритуальных действий в религии в целом является установление и проявление общинной солидарности, выполнение обязанности по выплате закят действовало как видимый символ индивидуальной приверженности религиозным и социальным ценностям растущей мусульманской общины. Это значение еще раз подчеркивалось включением этой обязанности в рамках соблюдения двух основных мусульманских праздников, установленных Пророком, Фестивалем быстрого ломания («аль-Фирр»), ознаменовавшего конец Раманана (qv) и Фестиваля Жертва («аль-Аша»), когда мусульмане празднуют кульминацию паломничества. Акты «очищения» богатства человека так же, как пост и паломничество очищают человека. (См. Фестивали и юбилейные дни.) Институционализация ценностей qur'ānic Собственное поведение Пророка воспринималось как образцовое в вопросе милостыни, и его щедрое и бескорыстное поведение было моделью, которую нужно подражать. Сообщения о милосердии Пророка противодействовали чрезмерному догматизму в отношении религиозной практики, которая должна была появиться позже. Например, Шадака в некоторых отчетах означает каждое доброе дело, даже устраняя препятствие с дороги и сажая дерево. Некоторые из высказываний Пророка подчеркивают, что небольшое предложение бедного человека более достойно, чем пожертвование богатого человека большой суммы. Тот факт, что Пророк в конечном итоге организовал сбор и распространение милостыни, свидетельствует о том, что этот процесс вписывается в конкретные институциональные формы даже в свое время. Согласно Корану, некоторые бедуинские группы, которые обратились в ислам, выразили сомнение в том, что он заплатил обязательный налог на милостыню (q 9: 54-9). Аль-Бухари (д. 256/870), составитель самой уважаемой коллекции сунни-пророческой ḥadīth, приводит сообщение, в котором Пророк посылает представителя в Йемен, чтобы пригласить местные племена, чтобы они обратились в ислам и заплатили налог на милостыню , После смерти Мухаммада его близкий компаньон Абу Бакр (qv; r. 11 / 632-13 / 63-4) взял на себя руководство зарождающейся общиной, а ряд племен отказался платить налог на милостыню, потому что они чувствовали, что смерть Пророк освободил их от обязательств, связанных с ним (см. Отступничество). Их действия воспринимались как восстание против новой власти в Медине, которая подавляла восстания и вновь вводила выплату налога на милостыню. Абу Бакр явно считал, что выплата налога на милостыню является обязательной и ее введение необходимо для того, чтобы соблюдать практику Пророка и поддерживать благосостояние сообщества. Истоки шиитов, приписываемые «Али и ранним имам», также подчеркивают необходимость доверить закят законным властям, поскольку они держали личный контроль за надлежащим распределением их. По мере того, как сообщество расширялось, путем преобразования и завоевания, мусульманские правители ¶ и ученые рассматривали эти ценности общинного содержания для руководства. Хотя мир ислама должен был со временем охватить значительное географическое и культурное разнообразие, общая форма мышления развивалась и была сформулирована в богословских и правовых формах, воплощая такие принципы в социальную практику. Мусульманская община не воспринималась как просто религиозная община в строгом смысле этого слова, а также политический, моральный и общественный порядок (см. Сообщество и общество в qur'ān). Он предоставил контекст, в котором мусульманские мыслители могли бы разработать формализованные подходы ко всем сферам жизни человека, включая институционализацию процедур сбора и распределения того, что предлагалось в качестве милостыни. Юридическая литература, созданная последующими поколениями ученых, далее формализовала сбор и выплату налога на милостыню. Писатели пытались оправдать сложившийся обычай, ретроспективно связывая его с практикой Пророка и других ранних властей. В этих юридических разработках окончание заката как обязательного вклада и ṣadaqa в качестве сверхсогласования окончательно затвердевает. Обязательный налог на милостыню должен был быть выплачен в казну (байт аль-мал), учреждение, которое было более развито под ранними халифами. Тем не менее, ученые-юристы пытались разработать и кодифицировать нормы и статуты, которые дали конкретную форму кураническим рецептам, связанным с милостыней и их распространением. Работа ханафистского юриста Абу Юсуфа (d. 192/808) по налогам, Китаб аль-Харай, который был написан во время правления халифа Аббасида Харуна аль-Рашида (т. 170 / 786-193 / 809), является поучительный пример сотрудничества между юристами и правителями для принятия и расширения такой практики, как милостыня в рамках фискальной работы государства. Юрист, такой как аль-Шафии (д. 204/820), смог систематизировать и рационализировать сложившуюся практику в своей работе. Как правило, такие работы основаны на ссылках на закят и шадака в Коране, где подробно излагаются платежи, основанные на собственности на имущество, имущество и деньги, в том числе доходы от сельского хозяйства. Они прописывали, когда должна была быть выплачена сумма и кому, а также какие минимальные суммы приходились на каждую категорию. Интересно отметить, что обязательный налог на милостыню также был распространен на подземные ресурсы, такие как минералы и кладовые. Структура, которая возникает в этих юридических работах, ясно показывает, что более ранние практики милостыни теперь превратились в более формализованное обязательство, представленное как религиозный долг. Важно отметить, что многие источники, которые иллюстрируют эволюцию этих практик, по-прежнему подчеркивали моральное действие акта, связывая его обязательный характер с религиозной заслугой и вознаграждением. Более того, они часто идентифицировали ṣadaqa и zakāt как средство поиска Божьего удовольствия и вознаграждения загробной жизни (см. Вознаграждение и наказание). Различия между zakāt и ṣadaqa, юристы указали, что у zakāt были определенные ограничения и применения, связанные с ним, в то время как ṣadaqa был неограничен. Говорят, что Шиимам Джафар аль-Шадик (ум. 148/765) подчеркнул, что Ладака, проведенная в «пути Бога» (см. Путь или путь [бога]) », включала множество хороших работ и, таким образом, предоставляла более широкие контекст для благотворительного использования собранных средств. Более того, не было никаких ограничений с точки зрения получателей, которые могли бы включать мечети, лиц, терпящих бедствие, или нуждающихся лиц, которые не были обедневшими. Юристы часто ссылаются на qur'annic повествование Иосифа (q.v.), где его братья, не подозревая о своей истинной личности, просят его временно помогать своей семье (12: 88). Изменения в правовой теории также отражают то, как разные группы в исламе интерпретируют милостыню. Истоки шиитов, ссылаясь на «Али б. Abī Ṭālib (q.v.) и другие ранние имамы (q.v.) также подчеркивают необходимость платить налог на милостыню законным властям. Среди шиитов милостыня должна была быть возложена на имама или тех, которые были назначены им и выплачивались в соответствии с ценностями. Среди шииских групп, таких как Twelvers, которые считают, что imām находится в состоянии физического отсутствия от мира (ghayba), милостыню следует отдавать тем, кто считается его доверенными мирскими представителями. Их роль заключается в обеспечении того, чтобы милостыня достигла соответст­вующих получателей. Исмаили интерпретируют милостыню как формальный акт и важный духовный поступок, посредством которого люди используют свои ресурсы, таланты и знания, чтобы помочь имам, наследнику Пророка и обществу в целом. Шуфи подчеркивают мистический оттенок милостыни. В определенных кругах люди, как известно, распространяли все свое имущество как милостыню. Некоторые группы санкционировали принятие милостыни в качестве подарка, исходящего непосредственно от Бога. Другие группы Ṣūfī практиковали милостыню как между собой, так и по всему обществу. Большинство юристов-суннитов, опасаясь, что несправедливый правитель или власть могут злоупотреблять такими сборами, рекомендуют, чтобы люди предоставляли обязательные милостыни непосредственно предполагаемым получателям. В некоторых случаях они даже предполагают, что если люди вынуждены подавать милостыню властям, которых они считают с подозрением, они должны распространять милостыню во второй раз напрямую. Этот поворот к систематизации и формализации не препятствовал актам добровольного милостыни за пределами того, что считалось обязательным. Основанный снова на прецедентах и ​​пророческой практике qur'ānic, милостыня была также переведена на пожертвования, созданные на бесконечность. В большинстве случаев юридическая традиция указывала на то, что такие подарки должны регулироваться. В одном рассказе рассказывается, как Пророк хотел купить землю у группы для строительства мечети. Вместо того, чтобы согласиться продать землю, они передали ее Пророку «ради Бога». Эти благотворительные трасты использовались для предоставления мечетей, школ, больниц, фонтанов и других полезных общественных структур, и они сыграли важную роль в Исламская история. Известные мусульмане, потомки Пророка и многие женщины играли заметные роли в создании таких благотворительных работ. Эти действия не ограничивались только предоставлением помощи мусульманам. Сам Пророк указал, что немусульмане также могут быть бенефициарами благотворительности и призвали немусульман создавать благотворительные фонды на благо своих единоверцев. Обязательства qur'ānic были разработаны и сформулированы параллельно с наложенными другими налогами. Ибн Халдун (д. 808/1406) утверждает в своем Мукаддиме, что в ранней истории ислама были взимались только те взносы, которые были предусмотрены законом (шари'а), такие как налог на милостыню, и это, хотя они были оценены по низкой ставке , дали большие суммы. Однако, по его мнению, по мере роста династий и роста экономики государства дополнительное бремя в виде налогов было введено вне пределов справедливости. Эти некварские налоги налагали штрафные санкции на предприятие и заставляли людей терять надежду, что привело к сокращению доходов и сокращению экономики. Упрощенный, как это может звучать в современных ушах, рассказ Ибн Халдуна подчеркивает тот факт, что куранские налоги, которые обладали духовно-нравственным измерением, были в конечном итоге вытеснены более тяжелыми, светскими налогами, которые подорвали дух. Современное милостыню Поскольку современные мусульманские национальные государства стремились решать вопросы идентичности и развития, милостыня дала им возможность переосмыслить значимость благотворительной практики. Большинство мусульман живут в районах мира, которые считаются менее развитыми. Следовательно, вопросы социальной справедливости и справедливого распределения ресурсов занимают видное место в обсуждении нынешнего значения судебных предписаний. Некоторые мусульманские теоретики выступают за повторное введение обязательного налога на прибыль как один из элементов общей налоговой политики, чтобы добавить моральный аспект милостыни к современной экономической политике. В последнее время некоторые мусульманские государства приняли определенную политику, предусматривающую уплату обязательного налога на пособие по сбору налогов в свои бюджетные рамки, а не предоставление ему частного и личного добровольного взноса. Судан и Пакистан - два примера. В Пакистане в 1979 году был создан фонд по сбору налогов, который был распространен через централизованное агентство по различным причинам, включая подачу бедных и предоставление стипендий для нуждающихся студентов. Однако различные мусульманские группы, в том числе шииты, возражали против этой практики на том основании, что это наносит ущерб традиционному милосердию и разнообразию практики среди мусульман. Многие из более богатых мусульманских стран практикуют форму милостыни, предоставляя помощь беднейшим мусульманским странам и исламским причинам. Тем не менее, в рамках добровольного представления о том, что наиболее инновационная и устойчивая адаптация духа милосердия qur'ānic произошла. Многие мусульмане, индивидуально или как сообщество, разработали обширные сети для перевода филантропических ценностей Корана в активные транспортные средства помощи широкому кругу избирателей. В некоторых случаях эти усилия осуществляются в форме добровольных ассоциаций и благотворительных организаций для оказания помощи бедным и нуждающимся во многих частях мира. Историческая проницательность ¶ в том, как куранские идеалы милостыни укрепляли общины и улучшали неравенство, могут все еще служить, чтобы помочь мусульманам выйти за рамки простой риторики в поисках непрерывности. См. Также подарочную подачу.

Almsgiving (4,018 words) Ṣadaqa Zakāt The institutionalization of qurʾānic values Modern almsgiving Charitable gifts to relieve the poor. In common with the teachings of most other faiths and more particularly the biblical traditions, the Qurʾān repeatedly emphasizes the moral value of giving. While the term «almsgiving» may suggest a somewhat simple and unfocused act of charity directed at the poor and needy, the Qurʾān articulates through a variety of terms, especially ṣadaqa and zakāt, a very textured and multivalent conception of giving which draws upon the ideals of compassion, social justice, sharing and strengthening the community. As this act aims at being both a social corrective and a spiritual benefit, it reflects the ethical and spiritual values which are associated with wealth, property, resources and voluntary effort in personal as well as communal contexts. It is in this broader sense that Muslims understand almsgiving and apply it in their daily life. The perspective of the Qurʾān on sharing wealth and individual resources through acts of giving is rooted in specific essential ideals: 1. the absence of a dichotomy between spiritual and material endeavors in human life, i.e. acts sanctioned as a part of faith are also linked to the daily conditions of life in this world; 2. the nature, purpose and function of the Muslim community as «the best of communities created to do good and to struggle against evil» (q 3:110); 3. the trusteeship of wealth and property and hence accountability for the way in which they are expended. These ethical perspectives in the Qurʾān, among others, established the basis for what came to be understood as an Islamic form of giving and its moral significance. As the Muslim philosopher Fazlur Rahman (1919—1988) ¶ observed in addressing the key ethical concepts of the Qurʾān, " Islam aims necessarily (and not just peripherally or indirectly) at the creation of a world order wherein the imperatives and principles will be embodied in such a way that the «earth shall be reformed» (Some key ethical concepts of the Qurʾān, 182-3). In an essay exploring the use of the qurʾānic term ḥaqq, «real» or "true, " Clifford Geertz remarks that one finds the identification of the right with the real at all levels of Islamic practice (Local knowledge, 189). Other Western scholars of Islamic civilization, including Marshall Hodgson, have made the same point. Inasmuch as true sovereignty, according to the Qurʾān, belongs only to God, the Prophet, his successors, the members of the community and even the state acted as the instruments by which these ideals were to be translated into practice. Individuals within that society, whom God endowed with a capacity to acknowledge and respond to him were seen as trustees through whom the moral and spiritual vision of the Qurʾān was fulfilled in personal and communal life. They were thus accountable for the way in which they used their resources and their wealth, and they earned religious merit by expending them in a socially beneficial way. While recognizing that individuals were endowed with different abilities, resources and property, the Qurʾān emphasizes the ideal of social solidarity and enjoins justice and generosity (q 16:90). In particular, it holds up as truly virtuous those who spend their resources to assist others (q 57:18) and condemns the hoarders of wealth (q 3:180). The specific notions of setting aside a portion of one’s wealth for others or of recognizing the necessity and value of giving are articulated in the Qurʾān through a number of terms that are often used interchangeably. The most significant of these are ṣadaqa and zakāt. There are a number ¶ of other terms that signify «giving» in the Qurʾān. Forms of the verb nafaqa (expend) occur primarily with the sense of expending one’s wealth to please God (e.g. q 2:265). Khayr (charity) is another qurʾānic term which describes beneficent and voluntary acts of giving. Individuals are also urged to offer God «a beautiful loan» (qarḍ ḥasan), the benefit of which will be multiplied many times over by God’s bounty (q 2:245). Since God is deemed to be the ultimate giver, such offerings are interpreted merely as acts of returning to him what is ultimately his. Ṣadaqa While the word ṣadaqa and its various forms came to be interpreted in later Muslim religious and legal texts to connote the restricted notion of voluntary — rather than obligatory — giving, ṣadaqa and zakāt are used interchangeably in a broader sense in the Qurʾān. In the Arabic lexicographical literature, the root ṣ-d-q sustains numerous meanings associated with ideas of righteousness and truth. Elsewhere in the Qurʾān, related words, such as al-ṣiddīq (truthful, q 12:46), which is used to describe the prophet Joseph (q.v.), or ṣadīq (trusted friend, q 24:61), reflect this notion of moral excellence. Modern critical scholarship has suggested that the word ṣadaqa is linked etymologically to the Hebrew sedāḳā (almsgiving), leading some experts to conclude that it is a loanword (see foreign vocabulary). The application of the term in its various contexts in the Qurʾān develops some of the key themes of the ideal of giving. q 9:104-5 links God’s acceptance of repentance (see repentance and penance) with ṣadaqa, thus suggesting its value for the expiation of sins. This is further emphasized by the joining of fasting (q.v.) with ṣadaqa (q 2:196), as ways of fulfilling the obligations of a pilgrimage (ḥajj, see pilgrimage) ¶ not completed because of illness or other reasons. Giving also benefits the givers spiritually as part of their quest to seek the «face of God» (q.v.; q 2:272). Such a quest is pursued out of love for God (q 76:8) and may be public or private (q 2:274). According to the Qurʾān, those who give because they seek the face of God will be truly fulfilled (q 30:39). An interesting use of ṣadaqa occurs in what has come to be called in the exegetical literature (tafsīr), the «verse of the audience» (āyat al-najwā, q 58:12), which enjoins the offering of alms before an audience with the Prophet. This suggests that giving alms was viewed as both a way to expiate past sins and display respect, as well as a gesture of recognition of the values embodied by the Prophet, whose own acts of generosity were looked upon as a model for the rest of the followers of Islam. According to the Qurʾān, words of kindness and compassion are better than ṣadaqa coupled with insult (q 2:263). The donation of alms need not be a gift of material value. It can also consist of voluntary effort (q 9:79) or merely a kind word (q 2:263). It is better to offer alms discreetly to those in need rather than for the purpose of public acknowledgement (q 2:271). The Qurʾān is critical of those who give in order to appear generous or who compromise the value of the act by ostentatious public behavior that serves only to render a normally charitable act purely self-serving (q 2:264). It is clear from q 58:12 that the Qurʾān envisaged a broad framework both for those who might benefit from the more formalized practice that was evolving in the early Muslim community and for the fiscal support of the community’s needy. Almsgiving served to benefit the early Muslims who had migrated from Mecca with the Prophet (see emigrants and helpers). It was also used to encourage others to join ¶ the Muslim community and to support the Muslims in the conflict against Mecca. q 9:60 specifies the types of recipients who ought to benefit from it: those afflicted by poverty; those in need and incapable of assisting themselves; those who act, sometimes in a voluntary capacity, as stewards and custodians to ensure the collection and appropriate expenditure of funds; those whose hearts need to become favorably inclined towards Islam; captives who need to be ransomed; debtors; travelers; and finally those active for the sake of God. All of these categories came to be strictly defined in later legal and exegetical literature. q 2:273 suggests that the broader uses of ṣadaqa were not only to assist the poor but also others who during this period of transition were not visibly in need and who nonetheless either required assistance to enhance their livelihood or needed to be directed towards new occupations and economic opportunities. While one aspect of almsgiving in the Qurʾān was clearly projected towards charitable acts for the poor and the needy, the practice also encompassed the wider goal of applying the donations to improve the general condition and economic well-being of other recipients and constituencies in the growing community (umma). Zakāt The word zakāt is etymologically linked to zakā (to be pure). The Qurʾān joins explicitly the word zakāt to other primary acts of belief: «Piety does not consist of merely turning your face to the east or to the west. Rather, the pious person is someone who believes in God, the last day, the angels, the book and the prophets and who out of his love gives his property to his relatives, orphans, the needy, travelers, supplicants and slaves; and who performs the required prayers and pays the zakāt» (q 2:177). The verb zakā suggests the idea of growth ¶ to emphasize that the giving of one’s resources is simultaneously an act which entails the cleansing of oneself and one’s property and, through sharing, an enhancement of the capacity of others. More specifically, this kind of giving is considered in the Qurʾān to be analogous to a fertile garden whose yield is increased by abundant rain (q 2:265). It is this multiple connotation of zakāt that is reflected in subsequent interpretations and in the institutionalization of the principle in Muslim thought and practice. The centrality of zakāt is underscored by the many times it is coupled with the commandment of ritual worship. Right religion is summed up as serving God, sincere obedience (q.v.), virtue (q.v.), worship (q.v.) and paying the zakāt (q 98:5). Abraham (q.v.) and the other prophets, including Jesus (q.v.), enjoined their followers to pay the zakāt (q 19:31; 21:73). Since one purpose of ritual action in religion in general is to establish and display communal solidarity, the performance of the duty of paying the zakāt acted as a visible symbol of individual commitment to the religious and social values of the growing Muslim community. This significance was further stressed by the incorporation of this duty as part of the observance of the two major Muslim holidays established by the Prophet, the Festival of Fast Breaking (ʿĪd al-Fiṭr) marking the end of Ramaḍān (q.v.) and the Festival of the Sacrifice (ʿĪd al-Aḍḥā), when Muslims celebrate the culmination of the pilgrimage. The acts of giving «purify» the individual’s wealth just as the fasting and the pilgrimage purify the individual. (See festivals and commemorative days .) The institutionalization of qurʾānic values The Prophet’s own behavior was perceived as exemplary in the matter of almsgiving and his generous and selfless behavior was a model to be emulated. Reports about the ¶ Prophet’s almsgiving counteracted the excessive dogmatism about religious practice that was to emerge later. For instance, ṣadaqa in some reports means every good deed, even removing an obstacle from the road and planting a tree. Some of the Prophet’s statements emphasize that a poor man’s small offering is more meritorious than a rich person’s donation of a large sum. The fact that the Prophet eventually organized the collection and distribution of alms suggests that the process was being cast into specific institutional forms even in his day. According to the Qurʾān, some of the Bedouin groups which had converted to Islam remonstrated about the paying of the obligatory alms tax (q 9:54-9). Al-Bukhārī (d. 256/870), the compiler of the most respected collection of Sunnī prophetic ḥadīth, cites a report in which the Prophet sends a representative to the Yemen to invite the local tribes to convert to Islam and pay the alms tax. Upon Muḥammad’s death, his close Companion Abū Bakr (q.v.; r. 11/632-13/63-4) assumed the leadership of the nascent community and a number of tribes refused to pay the alms tax because they felt that the death of the Prophet absolved them from the obligations contracted with him (see apostasy). Their actions were perceived as a rebellion against the new authority in Medina which suppressed the revolts and re-imposed the payment of the alms tax. Abū Bakr clearly regarded the payment of the alms tax to be obligatory and its imposition necessary in order to honor the Prophet’s practice and sustain the well-being of the community. Shīʿite sources attributed to ʿAlī and the early imāms, also emphasize the need to entrust zakāt to the rightful authorities since they held the custodial authority to disburse them appropriately. As the community expanded, through conversion and conquest, Muslim rulers ¶ and scholars looked to these values of community maintenance for guidance. Though the world of Islam was to encompass in time considerable geographical and cultural diversity, a common pattern of thought developed and was articulated in theological and legal forms, translating such principles into social practice. The Muslim community was not perceived as a merely religious community in the strictest sense of the word, but also a political, moral and social order (see community and society in the qurʾān). It provided the context in which Muslim thinkers could develop formalized approaches to all spheres of human life, including the institutionalization of the procedures for the collection and distribution of what was offered as alms. The juristic literature produced by succeeding generations of scholars further formalized the collection and disbursement of the alms tax. Writers attempted to justify the prevailing custom by linking it retrospectively to the practice of the Prophet and other early authorities. In these juristic elaborations, the distinction of zakāt as an obligatory contribution and ṣadaqa as supererogation finally solidifies. The obligatory alms tax was to be paid to the treasury (bayt al-māl), an institution which was developed more fully under the early caliphs. Nevertheless, legal scholars attempted to elaborate and codify norms and statutes that gave concrete form to the qurʾānic prescriptions associated with almsgiving and their distribution. The work of the Ḥanafī jurist Abū Yūsuf (d. 192/808) on taxes, Kitāb al-Kharāj, which was written during the reign of the ʿAbbasid caliph Hārūn al-Rashīd (r. 170/786-193/809), is an instructive example of the collaboration between jurists and rulers to appropriate and extend such practices as almsgiving as part of the fiscal working of the state. A jurist such as al-Shāfiʿī (d. 204/820) was able ¶ to systematize and rationalize prevailing practice in his work. Generally, such works built upon the references to zakāt and ṣadaqa in the Qurʾān, detailing the payments based on the ownership of property, possessions and money, including income generated from farming. They prescribed when an amount was to be paid and to whom, as well as what minimum amounts were due in each category. It is interesting to note that the obligatory alms tax was also extended to include underground resources, such as minerals and treasure troves. The pattern that emerges in these juristic works illustrates clearly that the earlier practices of almsgiving were now developing into a more formalized obligation presented as a religious duty. It is important to note that many of the sources that exemplify the evolution of these practices continued to emphasize the moral agency of the act, linking its obligatory character to religious merit and reward. Moreover, they often identified ṣadaqa and zakāt as a means of seeking God’s pleasure and the reward of the afterlife (see reward and punishment). In distinguishing between zakāt and ṣadaqa, jurists pointed out that zakāt had specific limits and usages attached to it while ṣadaqa was unlimited. The Shīʿī imām Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq (d. 148/765) is said to have emphasized that ṣadaqa spent in the «way of God (see path or way [of god])» included a variety of good works and thus provided a broader context for the charitable use of collected funds. Moreover, there were no constraints in terms of recipients, which could include mosques, individuals in distress or needy individuals who were not impoverished. Jurists often cite the qurʾānic narrative of Joseph (q.v.) where his brothers, unaware of his true identity, ask him to help their family temporarily in distress (q 12:88). Developments in legal theory also reflect ¶ the way different groups in Islam interpreted almsgiving. Shīʿite sources, citing ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib (q.v.) and the other early imāms (q.v.), also emphasize the need to pay the alms tax to the rightful authorities. Among the Shīʿīs, alms were to be entrusted to the imām or those designated by him and disbursed in accordance with qurʾānic values. Among Shīʿī groups such as the Twelvers, who believe that the imām is in a state of physical absence from the world (ghayba), alms are to be given to those considered his trusted worldly representatives. Their role is to ensure that alms reach the appropriate recipients. The Ismāʿīlīs interpret almsgiving as both a formal act and a significant spiritual deed whereby individuals employ their resources, talents and knowledge to assist the imām, the legatee of the Prophet, and the community at large. The Ṣūfīs emphasize the mystical connotation of almsgiving. In certain circles, individuals were known to distribute their entire possessions as alms. Some groups sanctioned the acceptance of alms as a gift emanating directly from God. Other Ṣūfī groups practiced almsgiving both among themselves and throughout the general community. Most Sunnī jurists, fearing that an unjust ruler or authority might abuse such dues, recommend that individuals give the obligatory alms directly to the intended recipients. In some cases they even suggest that if individuals are constrained to give the alms to authorities whom they regard with suspicion, they should distribute the alms a second time directly. This turn towards systematization and formalization did not preclude acts of voluntary almsgiving outside of what was deemed obligatory. Based again on qurʾānic precedents and prophetic practice, almsgiving was also translated into endowments created in perpetuity. The juristic tradition specified in most instances the ¶ ways such gifts were to be regulated. One narrative recounts how the Prophet wished to purchase land from a group for the building of a mosque. Rather than agreeing to sell the land, they gave it to the Prophet for «the sake of God.» These charitable trusts were used to endow mosques, schools, hospitals, water fountains and other useful public structures and they have played an important role throughout Islamic history. Notable Muslims, descendants of the Prophet and many women played noteworthy roles in generating such philanthropic works. These acts were not restricted to benefiting Muslims alone. The Prophet himself specified that non-Muslims could also be beneficiaries of charity and encouraged non-Muslims to establish charitable foundations for the benefit of their own coreligionists. The qurʾānic obligations were elaborated and articulated parallel to other taxes imposed. Ibn Khaldūn (d. 808/1406) argues in his Muqaddima that in the early history of Islam only those dues stipulated by the law (sharīʿa), such as the alms tax, were levied and these, though they were assessed at a low rate, yielded large sums. In his view, however, as dynasties grew and the state’s economy became more complex, additional burdens in the form of taxes were imposed beyond the limits of equity. These non-qurʾānic taxes penalized enterprise and made people lose hope, thus generating less revenue and causing the economy to shrink. Simplistic as this may sound to modern ears, Ibn Khaldūn’s account does underscore the fact that the qurʾānic taxes, which possessed a spiritual and moral dimension, were eventually supplanted by heavier, secular taxes that undermined the spirit. Modern almsgiving As modern Muslim nation-states sought to address questions of identity and develop-¶ ment, almsgiving afforded them the opportunity to rethink the relevance of charitable practices. A majority of Muslims live in areas of the world which are considered to be less-developed. Hence, issues of social justice and the equitable distribution of resources figure prominently in discussions of the present-day significance of the qurʾānic injunctions. Some Muslim theorists have advocated the re-introduction of the obligatory alms tax as one element of a general tax policy to add the moral aspect of almsgiving to a modern economic policy. In recent times, some Muslim states have adopted specific policies to incorporate the payment of the obligatory alms tax into their fiscal framework rather than leave it as a private and personal, voluntary contribution. Sudan and Pakistan are two examples. In Pakistan an alms tax fund was created in 1979 and distributed through a centralized agency for a variety of causes, including feeding the poor and providing scholarships for needy students. However, various Muslim groups, including the Shīʿīs, have objected to these practices on the basis that it is detrimental to traditional almsgiving and to the diversity of practice among Muslims. Many of the more wealthy Muslim countries practice a form of almsgiving by providing assistance to poorer Muslim countries and Islamic causes. It is, however, within the framework of voluntary giving that the most innovative and sustainable adaptations of the qurʾānic spirit of almsgiving have occurred. Many Muslims, individually or as a community, have developed extensive networks to translate the Qurʾān’s philanthropic values into active vehicles of assistance to a wide variety of constituencies. In some cases, these efforts have taken the form of voluntary associations and charitable organizations to help the poor and the needy in many parts of the world. Historical insight ¶ into the way the qurʾānic ideals of almsgiving strengthened communities and ameliorated inequities might still serve to aid Muslims to move beyond mere rhetoric in their search for continuity. See also gift-giving .

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Primary

• Abū Yūsuf Yaʿqūb b. Ibrāhīm, Kitāb al-Kharāj, trans. E. Fagnan, Paris 1921
• Bukhārī Ṣaḥīḥ, trans. A. Houdas and W. Marçais, Les traditions islamiques, 4 vols., Paris 1903-14
• al-Ghazālī, Abū Ḥāmid Muḥammad, Iḥyāʾ ʿulūm al-dīn, N.A. Faris (trans. [partial]), The mysteries of almsgiving, Beirut 1966
• al-Māwardī, al-Aḥkām al-sulṭāniyya, Cairo 1966
• al-Nuʿmān, Abū Ḥanīfa (Qāḍī), Daʿāʾim al-Islām, ed. A.ʿA.A. Fyzee, 2 vols., Cairo 1969
• al-Shāfiʿī, al-Risāla, ed. A.M. Shākir, Cairo 1940, trans. M. Khadduri, al-Shāfiʿī's Risāla Treatise on the foundations of Islamic jurisprudence, Baltimore 1961
• Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, trans. W.M. Watt and M.V. McDonald, The history of al-Ṭabarī, Albany 1988-90, vi, vii

Secondary

• M. Ayoub, The Qurʾān and its interpreters, 2 vols., Albany 1984-92
• N. Calder, Zakāt in Imāmī Shīʿī jurisprudence from the tenth to the sixteenth centuries a.d., in bsoas 44 (1981), 468-80
• H. Dean and Z. Khan, Muslim perspectives on welfare, in Journal of social policy 26 (1997), 193—209
• J. Esposito (ed.), Oxford encyclopedia of the modern Islamic world, 4 vols., New York 1995
• C. Geertz, Local knowledge. Further essays in interpretive anthropology, New York 1983
• M. Hodgson, The venture of Islam, 3 vols., Chicago 1974
• A. Nanji, Ethics and taxation. The perspective of the Islamic tradition, in Journal of religious ethics 13 (1985), 161-78
• F.E. Peters, A reader on classical Islam, Princeton 1994
• A. Sachedina, The just ruler in Shīʿite Islam, New York 1988
• F. Rahman, Some key ethical concepts of the Qurʾān, in Journal of religous ethics 2 (1983), 170—185
• N.A. Stillman, Charity and social service in medieval Islam, in Societas 2 (1975), 105-15

Nanji, Azim, «Almsgiving», in: Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān, General Editor: Jane Dammen McAuliffe, Georgetown University, Washington DC. Consulted online on 07 January 2017 <http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875-3922_q3_EQCOM_00008>